Power of Ikigai on Japanese Older Adults’ Well-Being

Yoko Kawamura ^*

1. University of Occupational and Environmental Health, Japan, 1-1 Iseigaoka Yahatanishi-ku, Kitakyushu, Japan

* Correspondence: Yoko Kawamura

Academic Editor: Pedro Forte

Special Issue: International Perspectives on Older Adult Social Isolation and Loneliness

Received: May 15, 2025 | Accepted: October 10, 2025 | Published: October 30, 2025

OBM Geriatrics 2025, Volume 9, Issue 4, doi:10.21926/obm.geriatr.2504329

Recommended citation: Kawamura Y. Power of Ikigai on Japanese Older Adults’ Well-Being. OBM Geriatrics 2025; 9(4): 329; doi:10.21926/obm.geriatr.2504329.

© 2025 by the authors. This is an open access article distributed under the conditions of the Creative Commons by Attribution License, which permits unrestricted use, distribution, and reproduction in any medium or format, provided the original work is correctly cited.

1. Introduction

1.1 What Is Ikigai?

In Japan, a super-aging society, the development of Ikigai is considered key to the extension of healthy longevity in national policy; thus, activities provided by local governments are designed to encourage Ikigai. Many of these projects aimed to create a sense of purpose for older adults in their communities, although the social environment changed [1].

The well-accepted English translation of "Ikigai" is "meaning of life," "reason for being," "purpose in life," [2] or "self-actualization," and the Japanese word "Ikigai" encompasses a variety of concepts [3]. More recently, the definition of "what makes life worth living" is considered legitimate as a psychological concept in the Japanese culture [4].

The concept of "purpose in life" (life purpose), thought of as paralleling Ikigai, is the extent to which individuals perceive their lives as having aims that generate and prioritize their pursuits and actions [5]. For example, in investigations of populations in the United States, elevated levels of purpose in life have been associated with enhanced subjective well-being (e.g., life satisfaction), more favorable health behaviors, and decreased risks of morbidity and mortality [5,6]. From the cross-cultural viewpoint, metanalyses have been conducted to assess the relationship between "purpose in life" and individual health. For instance, the meta-analysis, conducted by Cohen et al., involving 10 prospective studies (n = 136,265), found that higher purpose in life is associated with reduced all-cause mortality (adjusted RR = 0.83, CI 0.75–0.91) and cardiovascular events (adjusted RR = 0.83, CI 0.75–0.92) [7]. Another meta-analysis synthesized 66 studies (N = 73,546) and found a weak to moderate association between meaning in life and physical health (r = 0.26) [8]. The third meta-analysis with 108 studies (N = 76,892) found that psychological distress was negatively associated with the presence of meaning in life (PML) and positively associated with the search for meaning (SML). These meta-analytic syntheses, targeting the concept "purpose in life," including those approximate, in global cohorts, show that higher purpose/meaning is reliably associated with lower psychological distress and better physical health, including reduced all-cause mortality and cardiovascular events [9].

Although the concepts of Ikigai and life purpose exhibit numerous similarities, Ikigai encompasses a broader scope. While life purpose pertains specifically to a singular dimension of eudaimonic well-being (i.e., well-being associated with intrinsic virtue and the pursuit of human potential) [5], Ikigai is distinguished not only by life purpose but also by additional facets of eudaimonic well-being (e.g., personal development) and elements of hedonic well-being (i.e., enjoyment and fulfillment that may not inherently arise from virtuous endeavors) [10,11].

Despite the conceptual difference from Ikigai, it has been pointed out that life purpose has been predominantly used to develop evidence in most longitudinal studies [12]. However, more recent studies focusing on Ikigai have provided proof of the relationship between mortality and morbidity of major diseases [13,14].

Ikigai is crucial for older adults' well-being and life satisfaction [12,15]. This interconnectedness suggests that one's Ikigai can evolve through life experiences and social interactions, highlighting its adaptability to navigate life's complexities [16]. For instance, individuals who identify their Ikigai within community service report heightened feelings of purpose, reinforcing the idea that helping others can be a vital component of their own well-being [12]. Moreover, research indicates that embracing the moments of Ikigai, such as savoring simple pleasures or engaging in meaningful work, can lead to improved mental health outcomes and resilience against stressors, thus emphasizing the concept's relevance beyond cultural boundaries [17].

1.2 Measuring Ikigai

A brief timeline tying Western purpose/meaning measures to Ikigai-9's emergence tells us about construct lineage and operationalization shifts. In the 1960s–1970s, the Purpose in Life Test (PIL) was developed [18]. It was rooted in Viktor Frankl's logotherapy, which provides support in the face of suffering and healing for the sick [19] by examining the physical, psychological, and spiritual aspects of a human being through the expression of an individual's functioning. PIL measures the degree to which individuals experience meaning and purpose in their lives and the degree to which individuals seek meaning in their lives. It consists of 20 items, each with a 7-point Likert scale, ranging from low to high life purpose. The PIL operationalized existential meaning/purpose in clinical/lay samples, influencing early empirical work [18].

In the 1980s, Ryff's Psychological Well-Being scales (PWB) [20] introduced Purpose in Life as one of six theoretically grounded eudaimonic dimensions (consisting of 3 items each), widely used in US/EU cohorts. Around the same time, Antonovsky's Sense of Coherence (SOC; 29-/13-item OLQ) [21] was introduced, which emphasizes meaningfulness, comprehensibility, and manageability, bridging health psychology and life-meaning. In the 2000s, the focus shifted to behaviors. Scheier et al. reframed purpose as engagement in personally valued activities and introduced the Life Engagement Test (LET) [22]. It consists of 6 items and has been used mainly in the USA and European studies. In the meantime, Steger et al. introduced the Meaning in Life Questionnaire (MLQ) [23]. It assesses the Presence of and searches for meaning with 10 items. MLQ has been translated into over 30 languages, enabling nuanced meta-analyses and invariance work.

While in recent years, the culturally grounded and cross-cultural aspect has been appreciated, Imai introduced Ikigai-9 [24]. It distills a culturally embedded life-worth-living concept (positive emotions, proactive future stance, acknowledged significance). Ikigai-9 has been translated and tested in several countries. Across countries, the Ikigai-9 has shown consistent psychometric strength. In Turkey, the Turkish version demonstrated good reliability, positive associations with mental well-being, and negative associations with depression and anxiety in adults (N = 382) [25], while in Germany, a representative sample (N = 5,000) confirmed the German version's high reliability (α = 0.88), the original three-factor structure, and strong expected correlations with happiness, life satisfaction, health, and lower depression and anxiety [26]. In the UK, the English version (N = 349) also showed high internal reliability and predicted greater well-being and lower depression. However, confirmatory analysis favored a single-factor over a three-factor model [27].

Ikigai, originally in Japanese, expresses the concept and includes much room for nuance. How to define ultimately resides in an individual, but is somehow shared by Japanese people, at least in particular generations. Although the previous studies ensured Ikigai's universality, the results of the meta-analysis on purpose/meaning in life suggested that how the concept could be related to distress varies by conceptual, cultural, and demographic factors. It is almost impossible to operationalize the concept of Ikigai in the proper and original meaning. Considering such rooms for nuances, it should be pointed out that single-item measures are acceptable for global, concrete constructs in large cohorts and show adequate reliability and validity (e.g., life satisfaction [28]; job satisfaction [29]). Importantly, this specific Ikigai item has demonstrated robust predictive validity in multiple Japanese cohorts—forecasting all-cause and cardiovascular mortality, functional disability, and broad health and well-being outcomes [12,30]—supporting its use as an epidemiologic proxy for Ikigai. A global item respects this heterogeneity while capturing the construct's experiential core, whereas multi-item scales (e.g., Ikigai-9) provide dimensional nuance.

1.3 Understanding Ikigai: A Pathway to Older Adults' Well-Being

The concept of Ikigai not only fosters individual well-being but also enhances social connections among older adults, a vital component for maintaining mental health in later life. Engaging in activities that align with one's sense of purpose often leads to increased participation in community events and hobbies, which can mitigate feelings of loneliness and isolation [17,31]. Furthermore, studies suggest that those who actively cultivate Ikigai may experience improved physical health outcomes [32], such as lower risks of dementia and functional disabilities, particularly among men and individuals from higher socioeconomic backgrounds [12], cardiovascular disease [33], breast cancer [34], and longevity [35]. This holistic approach to well-being underscores the importance of finding meaning in everyday life and encouraging older adults to pursue passions that enrich their lives and contribute positively to their communities.

1.3.1 Ikigai and Health

The relationship between Ikigai and perceived health is profound, with studies indicating that individuals with higher Ikigai tend to report better health outcomes. A study of older Japanese adults found that Ikigai was positively correlated with perceived health status (self-rated health), suggesting that a strong sense of purpose was associated with better perceived health [36].

Research indicates a strong inverse relationship between the Ikigai and depression. Studies have shown that individuals with higher Ikigai levels exhibit lower rates of depressive symptoms. For instance, a survey conducted in Turkey found that the Ikigai-9 scale, which measures Ikigai, negatively correlated with depression, anxiety, and stress [25]. Similarly, a Japanese study revealed that caregivers experiencing higher levels of Ikigai reported better psychological well-being, suggesting that Ikigai acts as a protective factor against depression [12,37]. The protective effects of Ikigai against depression can be attributed to its role in providing a sense of purpose and meaning. Individuals with a strong sense of Ikigai are more likely to engage in activities that bring them fulfillment, thereby reducing the risk of depressive symptoms. The research results suggest a profound impact of Ikigai on mental health, further contributing to better overall health perceptions.

The impact of Ikigai on perceived health is not limited to mental health. A prospective study on breast cancer risk found that women with higher levels of Ikigai had a significantly lower risk of developing breast cancer, highlighting the physical health benefits of Ikigai [34]. This suggests that Ikigai's influence extends beyond psychological health, thus affecting overall well-being.

1.3.2 Ikigai and Happiness

Ikigai's impact on happiness is multifaceted and influences both short- and long-term happiness. In the short term, engaging in activities that align with one's Ikigai can enhance immediate satisfaction and joy. For example, Okuzono et al. analyzed data from Japanese adults aged 65 years and older. They found that Ikigai was associated with higher happiness, life satisfaction, decreased depressive symptoms and hopelessness, increased instrumental activities of daily living, and other social outcomes [12]. Another study on older Japanese adults found that interest in clothing and dressing behaviors was significantly correlated with higher levels of Ikigai, contributing to short-term happiness [38]. This study did not directly address the role of Ikigai in happiness but rather considered Ikigai as part of Quality of Life (QOL); however, the result suggested that everyday activities that align with one's purpose can significantly enhance immediate well-being.

In the long term, Ikigai is associated with sustained happiness and life satisfaction. A study on QOL among older individuals found that Ikigai was a crucial factor in mental QOL, highlighting its role in long-term happiness [39].

1.4 Factors Associated with Higher Levels of Well-Being and Ikigai among Older Adults

1.4.1 Family Network

Guadalupe et al. pointed out that family-centered networks are the primary informal support systems for older adults and are particularly significant in cultures that prioritize familial relationships. These networks not only provide emotional support but also contribute to psychosocial well-being [40].

The quality of relationships with family members, including spouses, children, and other relatives, was more impactful than the quantity. Positive supportive interactions within the family enhance feelings of well-being and life purpose [41].

The presence of a strong, supportive family network can provide emotional and practical assistance, which is essential for maintaining a sense of purpose and meaning in life as well as well-being among older adults. In addition, although previous research does not directly discuss Ikigai, it has been suggested that the family network is an essential source of life purpose, especially among older adults, who are conceptually very close to Ikigai and enhance it.

1.4.2 Community Engagement

Community engagement is a critical factor that contributes to higher levels of well-being among older adults. Active participation in community activities and social networks provides opportunities for social interaction and a sense of purpose, thereby facilitating Ikigai.

Zhang and Nuepert found that participation in social and recreational activities was associated with a better QOL among older Chinese individuals [42]. Similarly, Jang et al. examined the relationship between engagement in social networks, participation in social activities, and life satisfaction among community-dwelling older Americans with diseases and disabilities. They found that, while individuals with disease and disability had significantly lower levels of participation in social activities and life satisfaction, their level of social engagement was more strongly associated with life satisfaction than that of individuals with only disease. These results implied that social networks and activities are more important for older individuals with disabilities to compensate for their lower physical function [43]. Since physical function is supposed to decline with age, social networks and engagement in communities other than the family may provide older adults with various levels of disability with motivation or purpose in life.

1.4.3 Social Support

Based on the above discussion, family and community support are assumed to be the key determinants of well-being and Ikigai among older adults. Previous research suggests that it can mitigate the adverse effects of aging, such as health problems and mental health issues, and enhance overall well-being.

For instance, McGarrigle and Layte analyzed data from a longitudinal study to explore whether social networks affect the physical and mental health of adults over 50 in Ireland and how the quality of these relationships influences these effects. The results showed that social networks and the quality of relationships with partners and children are crucial for mental health, loneliness, and quality of life in older adults [44]. In addition, Fenstermacher and Fiske analyzed data from the Wisconsin Longitudinal Study to examine the relationships among medical conditions, functional impairment, depressive symptoms, and social support using regression analyses. These results suggest that having someone available, even without interaction with others, could reduce depressive symptoms among older adults [45]. Positive social exchanges with family, friends, and community members provide emotional support, reduce stress, and foster a sense of purpose.

1.4.4 Psychological and Physical Health Status and Other Individual Characteristics

The relationship between Ikigai and psychological and physical health should be considered bidirectional. Mental health issues, such as depression and anxiety, and adverse physical conditions can negatively impact Ikigai. In contrast, positive mental health and being physically sound are associated with higher levels of purpose and meaning in life.

Randal et al. conducted a mixed-methods study with older Japanese adults and caregivers and found that health was the most common source of Ikigai among older adults. Although self-rated health moderately correlated with Ikigai and other well-being measures, reported physical limitations were not [31].

Nakao et al. conducted a study to explore factors influencing self-rated Ikigai among older residents involved in community-based activities in Nagasaki City, Japan [36]. Based on data from 32 respondents, they found an association between Ikigai scores and self-rated mental health. They also found statistically significant correlations between self-rated Ikigai scores and social participation, self-rated health, and mental health [36].

While gender differences in Ikigai are not always statistically significant (for example, [36]), some studies suggest that men and women may experience Ikigai differently. Golovchanova et al. conducted a study to explore how different aspects of frailty and social support relate to the presence of meaning in life in older adults, particularly by assessing gender differences [46]. Based on data analyses of 618 participants aged between 64 and 106 years in a Swedish community senior apartment, they found a significant relationship between health problems, psychosocial functioning, and social support, with the presence of meaning in life. However, the study did not find substantial overall gender differences; the results indicated that health problems might have a more negative impact on the sense of meaning in life for older men than for older women [46]. They assessed the meaning of life, which is different from but very close to Ikigai's concept. In addition, another study suggested different mechanisms of Ikigai concerning physical and mental health for men and women [39]. Those studies presented an essential notion on the dynamic mechanisms among multiple factors regarding Ikigai.

As individuals age, their sources of Ikigai may shift from professional and familiar roles to discretionary social activities, such as hobbies and friendships. Randal et al. found that older adults often derived Ikigai from maintaining health, engaging in social activities, and having positive relationships, which were more prevalent in later life stages among older Japanese adults [31]. The impact of age on Ikigai is also evident in how older adults adapt to physical limitations and find new ways to engage with their communities. Kogure et al. found that home-visit rehabilitation users aged 75 years and older tended to feel Ikigai if they had higher instrumental Activity of Daily Living (ADLs) in a study conducted in Japanese care facilities [47].

Physical activity has been identified with Ikigai among older adults in terms of physical health and age. Demura et al. conducted a study to construct QOL Models for older adults with Ikigai as a component and to clarify differences in habitual exercise among 1,566 healthy community-dwelling independent people aged 60 years or older in Japan. They assessed Ikigai by asking about the different types of objects. Structural equation models (SEM) were constructed based on social, physical, and mental QOL and Ikigai. The results revealed that Ikigai was an essential component of the QOL of older adults and that the impact of mental QOL on Ikigai was more marked in participants without an exercise habit than in those with an exercise habit [39].

Regular physical activity contributes to better physical health and is a common source of Ikigai for older adults. It may also increase social networks and engagement, which contribute to social and mental QOL, thereby improving overall QOL [35].

At this point, Ikigai developed its conceptual understanding, which included its distinctiveness from life purposes and other closely related concepts. Empirical studies using developed measurements have shown that Ikigai has an impact on the mental and physical health of older adults across countries and cultures. However, the dynamic nature of the relationship of Ikigai with the social networks of family members and the community, engagement in social activities, and the health and well-being of older adults has room for more evidence.

1.5 Study Purpose

Although the concept of Ikigai has existed for a few decades, it is still used interchangeably with life purpose in actual studies. In particular, evidence on the impact of Ikigai, not life purpose, on the well-being of older adults concerning social networks, support, and engagement in social activities is still limited (e.g., [12]).

This study examines how Ikigai, in relation to social networks, support, and engagement in social activities, is related to the well-being of older Japanese adults.

2. Materials and Methods

2.1 Data

This study analyzed the 14^th wave of the Japan Household Panel Survey (JHPS), which has been conducted annually since 2009, with an initial cohort of 4,000. JHPS targets men and women aged 20 and older [48]. The JHPS covers employment, income, education, health and medical care, family composition, personal attributes, the distribution of time spent on daily activities, living arrangements with parents, and additional items depending on social and academic interests. The details of the sampling methods are described elsewhere [48].

There were 2,559 respondents included in the 14^th wave of the JHPS dataset. Among them, data from 827 individuals aged 65 years and older were analyzed in this study.

2.2 Variables

2.2.1 Dependent Variables

The outcomes of this study included health status and happiness.

Health Status. Self-rated health status (perceived health status) was used to measure the respondent's health status, as in previous studies on Ikigai [31,36]. The item asked them to rate their health status from "good" (1) to "not good" (5); the responses were reversed.

Happiness. Happiness is a positive mental state that is suggested to be related to Ikigai in the short term [12,38]. Based on the findings on its relationship with QOL, it was implied that long-term happiness might be related to Ikigai [39]. This study used the items asking respondents to rate their perceived happiness in the short-term (in the past week), the middle-term (in the past year), and the long-term (in their entire life) from "not at all" (0) to "feeling happiness completely" (10).

2.2.2 Independent Variables

Ikigai, social networks and support, and engagement in social activities were the independent variables. In this study, the family was considered to be the smallest social network unit.

Ikigai. In this study, Ikigai was assessed based on the question asking respondents to rate how applicable the statement "I have Ikigai in my life" is, from "not applicable" (1) to "applicable" (5) on a 5-level scale. This single-item question, which was the only available item to assess Ikigai in the dataset, has been used in the extensive cohort study [12].

Social Networks and Support, and Engagement in Social Activities. Living alone and being unmarried were used as approximate indices of available family networks and support. Dichotomized items were used in both cases.

The items for engagement in social activities included individuals' social roles. Particularly, mainly working, doing housework, training and learning for work, volunteering, and providing nursing care.

Respondents who were categorized as "mainly working" chose "mainly working" to the question asking if they did any work for income, including a part-time job. Other choices included working with schooling, working with housework, taking off work, looking for a job, and schooling/doing housework/others.

Doing housework, training and learning for work, volunteering, and providing nursing care were responses to questions asking about time in their life; in particular, they asked if they did so almost every day, a few times a week, once a week, and how many hours they spent on a day or in a week. If respondents responded almost every day or a few times a week, they were considered engaging in housework, training and learning for work, volunteering, and providing nursing care. All items assessing engagement in social activities were dichotomous.

While details in the levels of independent variables among respondents might be lost, the strategy for simplifying the variables was adopted first because the levels of more information in the variables were not equal due to the nature of the study using a secondary dataset. Secondly, because the study focused more on understanding the relationships between health status, happiness, and Ikigai, as well as social aspects, this approach should provide simple, straightforward, and interpretable results, thereby capturing a comprehensive picture of the relationships.

2.2.3 Covariates

Based on previous research results, sex [39,46] and age [31,47] were included in the analysis.

In addition, considering its strong connection with physical and mental function, doing regular physical activity was added as a covariate in the analyses. The item that asked if respondents regularly exercised (regardless of how often they exercised, such as walking, running/jogging, radio calisthenics, swimming, cycling, and others) was used to identify those who regularly exercised. The items were dichotomous.

2.3 Statistical Analyses

First, descriptive statistics were computed. The 3-step regression analyses were conducted for each dependent variable: self-rated health for physical health status, short-term (in the past week), middle-term (in the past year), and long-term (lifetime) happiness. For each dependent variable, a simple regression with Ikigai was conducted. A multiple regression analysis was performed for sex, age, and Ikigai status. Finally, the multiple regression with all independent variables, family network, and support for living alone and unmarried, engagement in social activity for mainly working, doing housework, training and learning for work, volunteering, and providing nursing care, and another covariate, regularly exercising, and Ikigai. To confirm the premises of conducting regression analyses, models were examined by generating and visually exploring the regression model's Q-Q plots for normality of residuals on the dependent variables and by observing Variance Inflation Factors (VIF) values of the independent variables for multicollinearity. All analyses were conducted using EZR [49].

2.4 Ethical Consideration

This study used the secondary data set that was prepared and provided without any personal identification of the respondents. Thus, no approval of ethical conduct from the Institutional Review Board (IRB) for this study was obtained, while the affiliated organization's IRB fully approved the original survey study.

3. Results

3.1 Descriptives

Table 1 presents the distributions of the categorical variables of the study sample of respondents aged 65 years and older compared to those under 65.

Table 1 Descriptive statistics of categorical/dichotomous variables (comparison with the younger in the entire cohort).

The study sample tended to be living alone, married, less likely to work in the past month, more likely to exercise regularly, less likely to train or learn for work, and more likely to participate in volunteer work (p < 0.01). Although the difference was not statistically significant, there were more female respondents in the study sample (53.1%, n = 439) than younger ones (50.5%, n = 874).

Table 2 provides descriptions of the continuous variables. The age mean was 74.65 (SD = 6.08) for the study sample. The short-term (in the past week), middle-term (in the last year), and long-term (in the entire life span) for the study sample were 6.09 (SD = 2.07), 6.09 (SD = 2.04), and 6.47 (SD = 1.78) on a scale from 0 to 10, respectively, which were not statistically different from the younger group(5.29, SD = 2.32; 5.69, SD = 2.21; 6.33, SD = 1.99; respectively). The Ikigai score was 3.55 (SD = 0.92) for the study sample, which was significantly higher than that of the younger group (p = 0.02), while self-rated health was lower (3.16, SD = 0.87 vs 3.49, SD = 0.97; p < 0.001).

Table 2 Descriptive statistics of continuous variables (comparison with the younger in the entire cohort).

3.2 Self-Rated Health Status

Table 3 presents the results of three regression analyses. Ikigai was consistently and statistically significant (p < 0.001). The final model revealed the statistical significance of mainly working in the past month and exercising regularly (p < 0.01). The coefficient in the final model was 0.320 for the Ikigai score, indicating that a unit increase in score resulted in a 0.320 increase in self-rated health. Similarly, if the respondents had mainly worked in the past month, the self-rated health score increased by 0.366, whereas the self-rated health status score increased by 0.157 if they exercised regularly. A marginally negative relationship was observed with providing nursing care (-0.208, p < 0.1). Adjusted R-square scores were 0.134, 0.135, and 0.172, respectively. The QQ plots for the three models all showed plots gathered around the diagonal lines, indicating the normality of residuals and linearity of the self-rated health status scores in the models with the included independent variables. The VIF scores of the eleven independent variables in the complete model were less than 2.200 (marital status "not married"), confirming that there was no multicollinearity issue among the independent variables in the model.

Table 3 Results of 3-step regression for Self-rated health.

3.3 Happiness

3.3.1 Short-Term (in the Past Week)

Table 4 presents the results of the three-step regression analysis. Ikigai was a consistently significant variable (p < 0.001). In addition to Ikigai, age appeared to be statistically significant; as age increased, short-term happiness tended to increase, even when controlling for Ikigai and other variables. In the final model, the coefficients for Ikigai and age were 1.096 and 0.033, respectively, indicating that a unit increase in the Ikigai score and age increased the short-term happiness score by 1.096 and 0.033, respectively. Even though marginal (p < 0.1), living alone (-0.395) appeared negative, exercising regularly (0.234), and training and learning for work (0.761) seemed positive for short-term happiness. The adjusted R-squared scores were 0.252, 0.256, and 0.260 for the three-step regression model, respectively. Similar to the health status, all the QQ plots for the three models exhibited plots clustered around the diagonal lines, indicating the normality of residuals and linearity of the short-term happiness scores in the models incorporating the independent variables. The VIF scores of the eleven independent variables in the complete model were less than 2.189 (marital status "not married"), thereby confirming the absence of multicollinearity among the independent variables in the model.

Table 4 Results of 3-step regression for Happiness in the past week (short-term).

3.3.2 Middle-Term (in the Past Year)

Table 5 presents the results of the three-step regression analysis. Ikigai was also a consistently significant variable throughout (p < 0.001). The final model, like that of short-term happiness, showed that age was another statistically significant variable (p < 0.01). The coefficients for Ikigai and age were 1.086 and 0.030, respectively, indicating that a unit increase in the Ikigai score and age increased the short-term happiness score by 1.086 and 0.030, respectively. Although marginal (p < 0.1), exercising regularly (0.245) and training and learning for work (0.721) seemed positive for short-term happiness. The adjusted R-squared scores were 0.255, 0.259, and 0.264 for the three-step regression models. The three generated QQ plots for the normality of residuals and linearity of the middle-term happiness scores in the models incorporating the independent variables were similar to those of the short-term happiness and supported them. All eleven independent variables had VIF scores below 2.189 (marital status "not married"), indicating no multicollinearity in the complete model.

Table 5 Results of 3-step regression for Happiness in the past year (middle-term).

3.3.3 Long-Term (in the Entire Life)

Table 6 presents the results of the three-step regression analysis. Ikigai was a consistently significant variable throughout (p < 0.001). Similar to the short- and middle-term, age was a statistically significant variable (p < 0.01) in the second and third-step models. The coefficients for Ikigai and age were 0.984 and 0.031, respectively, indicating that a unit increase in Ikigai score and age increased the short-term happiness score by 0.984 and 0.031, respectively. Exercising regularly indicated a statistically significant positive relationship, whereas providing nursing care showed a negative relationship (p < 0.05). Respondents who were exercising regularly tended to have a 0.250 higher long-term happiness score than those who did not. Respondents who were providing nursing care tended to have long-term happiness scores 0.557 lower than those who did not. A marginally positive relationship was observed between training and learning for work (0.630, p < 0.1). The adjusted R-squared scores for the three-step regression model were 0.264, 0.275, and 0.283, respectively. The three generated QQ plots for the normality of residuals and linearity of the long-term happiness scores in the models incorporating the independent variables were consistent with those of other dependent variables and supported their validity. All eleven independent variables had VIF scores below 2.189 (marital status "not married"), indicating no multicollinearity in the complete model.

Table 6 Results of 3-step regression for Happiness in the entire year (long-term).

4. Discussion

4.1 Critical Role of Ikigai in Health among Older Adults

The results suggested a persistent association of Ikigai with self-rated health status and short-term, middle-term, and long-term happiness, regardless of the social network, support, and engagement in social activities.

The results of the adjusted R-squares from the regression analyses, which were higher for the three happiness score models than for the self-rated health status score model, indicated that Ikigai was more important for mental well-being.

This study is unique because it assessed Ikigai as a whole. This could be done only because this study was conducted in Japan, where the concept originated and is shared among the people in their language. However, a previous survey assessed it with particular activities [39]. It should be noted that human beings are complex animals, and it may be challenging to identify specific sources of meaning or purpose in life, in other words, Ikigai. We usually play multiple roles in our lives, and the sources of Ikigai may be at least as many as the activities involved in such roles. As age increases, the list of social roles may shorten. Thus, it may be easier for older adults to identify specific sources and recognize them to live their lives with fulfilling feelings.

The developed scale, Ikigai-9 [24], has been used in previous research [25]. The Ikigai–9 is a self-administered questionnaire with nine items designed to measure the mental state of feeling Ikigai (Ikigai consciousness). Its conceptual framework is based on the higher-level factor model of the Ikigai concept [50], which operationally defines Ikigai awareness as "a consciousness composed of optimistic and positive emotions toward one's current life and future, positive and proactive attitudes toward the future, and a positive recognition of the meaning of one's existence with society" [24]. The conceptual framework indicates that Ikigai overlaps with the health-related QOL domain but covers a more spiritual domain [50]. The actual questionnaire lists nine statements such as "I often feel happy," "I want to start learning or doing something new," "I want to expand my potential," and "I think I influence others," and asks respondents to rate how applicable to each statement from "least applicable" (1) to "most applicable" (5). The concept of Ikigai is comprehensive, which makes it difficult to separate it from peripheral concepts such as happiness, QOL, and well-being. The Ikigai-9 captures overlapping or distinctive components and universally summarizes the entire picture of Ikigai. However, the scale may have missed the nuances residing in the wholeness of the concept. The Ikigai concept assessed in this study was not precise, but it captured the wholeness of Ikigai with nuances that could be shared only in Japanese culture.

Based on the premise of this study, the results underscore the importance of perceiving Ikigai for the well-being of older adults. In Japan's super-aging society, 65 years of age does not mean being old. In addition, modern society promotes diversity in lifestyles and values and creates disparities in social and sociopsychological factors and health. From a public health standpoint, providing various sources for Ikigai is impossible, and the one-size-fits-all approach cannot be practical. Ikigai should be promoted as a treasure among the Japanese because its nuances are truly shared. Further research is required to clarify this concept. However, the basis of the Ikigai concept, such as its eudemonic aspect, may not be universally appreciated. Thus, sharing this valuable concept in the Japanese culture may be very challenging when crossing different cultures and languages.

4.2 Social Network and Support, Engagement in Social Activities in Relation to Ikigai

The results did not clearly show well-being with social networks and support from family (i.e., living alone and unmarried). Living alone showed a marginally negative relationship only for short-term happiness.

Among the variables for engagement in social activities, providing nursing care had a significantly negative relationship with long-term happiness and a marginally negative relationship with self-rated health. These results suggest that nursing care requires more physical demands and sacrifices physical health. In Japan, Ro-Ro Kaigo, which refers to a situation in which an older adult takes care of their older partner, has recently become quite common. Even if an individual feels Ikigai, providing nursing care might eliminate the effect of Ikigai on long-term happiness. This study did not assess the details of social support, such as instrumental support for nursing care for family members. Considering such support in the analyses might provide additional insights into supporting the well-being of older Japanese adults in a super-aging society.

Training and learning for work were marginally significant positive variables for all three types of happiness. Approximately 32% of the study sample reported that they mainly worked in the past week, indicating a higher employment rate than the national level. The employment rate for individuals aged 65 years and older was 25.1% in Japan [51], which was much higher than that in other developed countries, such as the USA (18.0%), Canada (12.9%), the UK (10.3%), and France (3.4%) in 2021 [52]. Currently, the typical retirement age is 65 years old in many organizations in Japan. Considering the social situations due to the super-aging society (e.g., expected insufficient financial support with less pension and lack of workforce), social advancement (e.g., better health status and longevity), and the effects of working on the health of older adults (e.g., connection to society and physical and intellectual functions), the Japanese government has pushed the idea of securing employment among older adults. In 2021, the law was amended to require organizations to provide employees aged 60 years and older with opportunities to keep working, such as abolishing the retirement age and extending the retirement age to 70 years. However, the study result did not indicate a relationship between working and well-being.

Although it indicated a relationship between making an effort at work, such as training and learning for work, and well-being, this, along with Ikigai's persistent relationship with well-being, implies that the meaning of work for older adults may be more critical than working alone. Working depends on the individual situation; some older adults may need to work for financial reasons, as opposed to their desired situation, while others may continue working to pursue professional passions. In this study, the reasons for work and economic status were not considered. Still, it is worthwhile for future research to examine more deeply how work relates to Ikigai and well-being among older adults, as better longevity and aging are global trends.

4.3 Roles of Exercising Regularly for Well-Being among Older Adults

The study results suggest a decisive role of regular physical activity in Japanese older adults' well-being, which is consistent with previous research [39]. The study sample tended to engage in more regular physical activity than their younger counterparts (52.3% vs 40.3% for those aged <65 years in the cohort). Typical Japanese white-collar workers spend time in offices, which requires considerable commuting time. If they have a family, they have roles at home, and there is no spare time for exercising while they are in their productive age. My American friend said that she had thought Japanese people were healthy, but after visiting, she realized that we were healthy after retirement. This is true. For some older adults, exercise may be a source of Ikigai [35]. This proves that they are fit and healthy, making them confident. In addition, regular exercise might provide them with a community in which they can exchange psychological and instrumental resources critical to their well-being. Demura et al. found that Ikigai might impact QOL among older people who do not engage in regular physical activity compared to those who do [39]. This notion is reasonable considering the powerful and comprehensive effects of regular physical activity. Next, understanding how engaging in regular physical activity relates to older adults' perceptions of Ikigai may provide us with insights to enhance Ikigai and, thus, well-being among older adults.

4.4 Age and Gender

The study results showed that age was not related to self-rated health status but was consistent with happiness. The older the respondents, the happier they tended to be. Previous research has suggested a U-shaped relationship between age and happiness [53], which the study results also confirmed. However, gender was not found to be related to happiness.

Age and sex are biological factors; however, they are also cultural and social factors. These may represent personal and collective values. This may be a very optimistic interpretation, but the study results indicate that Japanese society is currently successfully providing social conditions in which people age happily and soundly, without gender differences.

4.5 Limitations

First, this study was a cross-sectional design, and thus cannot suggest any causality between the independent and dependent variables. The results should be carefully interpreted. In addition, this study examined only a Japanese sample. Therefore, the results may not apply to other cultures or countries. This study, with limitations related to the secondary data analysis, simplified variables and conducted only simple analyses, aiming at Ikigai's role in well-being, considering social network and support, and engagement in social activities relatively independently. Thus, the results do not provide knowledge of the complex mechanisms of Ikigai's role in older adults' well-being. Future studies should conduct more thorough analyses with more advanced statistical techniques first among Japanese samples, which will help us deepen our understanding of the Ikigai concept and its relationship with the lives of Japanese older adults. This may lead to a more concrete idea of Ikigai, which can be shared with other cultural contexts.

The concept of Ikigai is culture-rooted and includes many nuances that words may not convey. This study assessed this hypothesis. This was possible due to the Japanese sample of the study. In addition, by analyzing it with social networks and support, and engagement in social activities, the importance of perceiving Ikigai as shared with people for the well-being of Japanese older adults was further highlighted.

5. Conclusion

Although simple and not comprehensive, the most important insight that this study provides is that perceiving Ikigai, which is shared with the nuances in Japanese culture, plays a critical role in the well-being of older adults. Its effects may be independent of quantity, quality, or kinds of social networks and support, and engagement in social activities. Second, this study's results highlight the role of regular physical activity in relation to Ikigai and the perception of Ikigai, which seems worthwhile for future research.

Ikigai is deeply rooted in Japanese culture; it may be impossible for us to conceptualize it in words to operationalize the concept and measure. Given the shared human biology and world history, Ikigai can be translated into a meaningful term in different cultures. Similarly, the idea of aging well varies across cultures, encompassing not only geographic regions but also generational perspectives. The global appreciation of Ikigai's concept makes us rethink that thinking about the health and well-being of individuals, including older adults, requires cultural sensitivity.

Acknowledgments

The Panel Data Research Center at Keio University provided the dataset for this study. Thanks to their excellent management of data quality and dissemination, studies like this one are possible.

Author Contributions

The author developed the research questions, planned the study, and conducted the data analyses to examine them.

Competing Interests

No competing interests exist.

Data Availability Statement

The dataset used for this study is available for researchers by application. Details are provided on the website https://www.pdrc.keio.ac.jp/en/.

AI-Assisted Technologies Statement

AI-assisted tools were utilized to understand the foundation of previous research (SCISPACE) and to improve writing in English (Grammarly). Based on the generated content provided by SCISPACE, the author checked the accuracy and wrote part of the sentences for the introduction.